7/04/2005

Bill would stiffen state law on eminent domain: York (PA) Daily Record, 7/3/05

By State Senator Jeff Piccola

Maybe the members of the Supreme Court are unfamiliar with the saying, “Home sweet home,” or possibly they have never heard that “a family’s home is their castle.” I make these observations in light of the court’s most recent trampling on the deeply cherished values of the American people. Like many in our country, I am outraged at the court’s decision in the case of Kelo v. City of New London.

This case involved a fairly simple set of facts. In a 5-4 decision, the court supported the city of New London, Conn., which seized the homes of an unblighted working class neighborhood, for private developers to construct a riverfront hotel and office complex. The New London homeowners appealed to Connecticut’s Supreme Court, but a divided court ruled against them and they appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court.

Sadly, these homeowners were not to find help at the Supreme Court. Rather, five liberal justices, led by Justice Stevens, decided that they would no longer enforce the Constitutional requirement that government can only take an individuals’ property for a truly public purpose. Instead, the majority of the court decided that they would leave the determination of what is a “public use” solely to the governmental entity taking the property. Talk about the fox guarding the hen house!

Justice O’Connor, writing for the four dissenting justices, stated, “Under the banner of economic development, all private property is now vulnerable to being taken and transferred to another private owner, so long as it might be upgraded.” According to Justice O’Connor, the majority has “effectively delete(d) the words ‘for public use’” from the United States Constitution. This is a frightening and unacceptable situation.

As someone whose 83-year-old mother still resides in the home my father helped design and build 57 years ago, I know the heartfelt feeling one can attach to a home. I do not see the court’s decision as merely a mistaken application of Constitutional law. I view it as an attack on the rights of individuals to be protected from out-of-control and activist courts.

But all is not lost. The United States Supreme Court stated in its decision that state lawmakers have the authority to provide greater protection to property owners than what the court is willing to provide.

Consequently, I am introducing legislation to restore the traditional balance in eminent domain cases for Pennsylvania: Government can take individuals’ private property only when it is absolutely necessary and only for a truly public purpose. Further, in those rare instances where such a taking is necessary, individuals must be fairly compensated.

With the help of the people of our commonwealth and the votes of the lawmakers they have elected, we can protect the cherished values that underlie the saying, “be it ever so humble — there is no place like home.”


York Daily Record: http://ydr.com

Jeffrey Piccola, a Republican who represents parts of northern York County, is the Senate Majority Whip

Eminent domain won't be coming to Fairfield: Fairfield (CA) Daily Republic, 7/3/05

Editorial

Many of our readers may have been following the recent Supreme Court decision in Kelo v. City of New London (Connecticut) eminent domain case. Eminent domain means using government power to acquire property for public purpose without the property owner's consent. Examples of such public purpose have traditionally included highway projects, a school, or water pipelines.

The Supreme Court, in a 5-4 vote, decided taking private, non-blighted property for the purpose of economic development satisfies the "public use" requirement of the Fifth Amendment. The Fifth Amendment provides that private property may only be taken for a public use. In the City of New London case, the property owners challenged the city's condemnation of their properties under the theory that economic development of non-blighted properties violates the public use clause of the Fifth Amendment.

Over the years, many local governments have used the power of eminent domain to help economic development. In the Connecticut case, New London condemned several residential properties, including homes lived in for more than 50 years, to assemble the land for a large development project that included an upscale hotel and conference center, new residences, and retail and office space. The city stated the development would create new jobs and increase the economic base of the city.

Another famous example of economic development condemnation occurred during the 1980s in Poletown County, Mich. Detroit acquired a large portion of a neighborhood to assemble land (more than 400 acres) for a General Motors Assembly Plant.

The Kelo vs. City of New London case doesn't place any new limits on the use of eminent domain by local governments or redevelopment agencies in California. Public agencies in California may only take land for economic development purposes in blighted areas. Legislation in California doesn't grant California cities the authority to condemn property for economic development outside blighted areas.

Eminent domain is only used as a last resort in California. Public agencies usually deal directly with the property owners to ensure they are treated fairly and offered fair market value for their properties. Under all circumstances a property owner must be paid fair market value for his or her property as well as be provided relocation benefits and assistance.

The city of Fairfield has an active economic development and redevelopment program. To date, however, neither the city nor its redevelopment agency has used eminent domain to take a single-family residence. Of the city's five redevelopment project areas, only North Texas Street still has eminent domain power in effect. The North Texas Street Redevelopment Plan specifically excludes occupied single-family residences from eminent domain.

The Fairfield Redevelopment Agency is scheduled to have eminent domain authority in the North PACE area (Regional Center Project Area expansion) for decaying multi-family properties where serious blight and social problems exist. The Kelo vs. City of New London case revolved around the economic development of non-blighted properties. For Fairfield, the PACE area is not a case of economic development per se, but of solving neighborhood decay and "blight" that has resulted in serious issues of public health and safety.


Daily Republic: www.dailyrepublic.com

Officials: Eminent domain a last resort: Rockford (IL) Register Star, 7/3/05

Some Machesney Park residents are feeling the pinch of the government’s power to seize land

By Pat Milhizer

You shouldn’t worry about losing your home to the next big-box store or hotel coming to the Rock River Valley.

Public officials and private developers say eminent domain, a legal maneuver that makes homeowners cringe but can lure more tax dollars for communities, will remain a last resort regardless of a U.S. Supreme Court ruling that bolsters the government’s powers.

But try telling that to Nora St. Germain.

She’s losing her home to a retail development.

“It stinks. I don’t think it’s fair, but there ain’t nothing you can do,” said St. Germain, a 60-year-old Machesney Park resident who stands to lose her mobile home by the end of the year so a retail center can be built near Alpine Road and Illinois 173.

“There is no freedom. This is Grandma’s house, and it ain’t going to be Grandma’s house no more,” she said.

Local governments usually file eminent domain against property owners who won’t give up their land or negotiate a fair price when they’re in the way of new highways, schools, government buildings and other public services.

But new weight has been thrown into the sensitive practice.

A split U.S. Supreme Court ruling June 23 supported the government’s ability to acquire homes for commercial development — such as shopping malls or sports arenas.

The court was asked to decide public-use rights protected by the Fifth Amendment. And it gave local governments the power to decide whether citizens would be better served by private commercial projects that displace landowners.

Homeowners and property rights activists reacted strongly to the ruling — concerned that, essentially, nobody really has control over land.

But despite the new powers given to them by the court, a county economic development director, four local government attorneys and five developers in the Rock River Valley suggest that there won’t be a spike in eminent domain cases.

“The process works in that there’s not just legal controls but political controls,” Rockford city attorney Patrick Hayes said. “If a mayor used this improperly, the public is going to state its opinion at the ballot box.”

Still, a state statute lets local governments use eminent domain for economic development when an area passes state standards to be declared blighted.

“I don’t think it’s going to change a thing,” said Chuck Thompson, president of William Charles Investments. “I don’t think what was done there was anything new.”

“Cities really are using eminent domain less than they did 10, 15 years ago,” Thompson said.

“They’re finding it extremely expensive. ... We, as a private developer, wouldn’t want to go down that road. It would take too much time to use that tool or encourage a city, state or county to use that tool.”

On its face, eminent domain for private projects is a good thing for local officials.

The new developments promise jobs and transactions that pour tax revenue into government coffers.

Nevertheless, state Sen. Steve Rauschenberger, R-Elgin, will introduce a bill this fall that would require the Illinois General Assembly and governor to approve eminent domain cases for private development.

“Economic eminent domain has been used to pressure private-property owners into selling their property for less money than they want to sell it for,” said Rauschenberger, a potential candidate for governor next year. “Taxpayers shouldn’t pay taxes to support a local government and then have that power turned against them.”

So far, Machesney Park paid a total of $137,000 for two single-family homes in the area bounded by Orlando Street, Illinois 173, Story Book Lane and North Alpine Road.

In April, the Village Board passed a resolution 4-2 that authorized eminent domain if negotiations with property owners fail.

The Supreme Court decision has no bearing on Machesney Park’s effort to acquire the remaining 31 properties for an undetermined retail development, according to Village Attorney Tom Green. The village bolstered its effort by designating the area blighted, an issue not addressed in the court’s decision.

The characterization bothers St. Germain’s grandson, 17-year-old Derek Nichol.

Derek and his grandfather rebuilt the home about a decade ago, he said, turning a three-bedroom dwelling into a two-bedroom home so his grandmother could have a larger living room. Since then, they also replaced the floors, windows, bathroom and rebuilt two sheds.

“It took so much to build this. And apparently they just want to come and rip it all out, like it’s garbage,” Nichol said.

Noelia Garza, 57, lives nearby in a four-bedroom, one-story home with a basement. She, too, has to prepare to move by the end of the year.

“To tell you the truth, I didn’t think I was going to spend my whole life in my house, but I wasn’t prepared for this,” said Garza, a machine operator who has lived on Orlando Street for 19 years.

The neighborhood is part of a tax increment financing district Machesney Park created in 1991 to lure retail businesses. The district helps redevelop the area because, after it’s established, any increase in property taxes goes to development efforts within the district instead of funding schools and other taxing bodies.

“Of course, some properties within the area, individually, are OK,” Green said. “But as an area, it saw very little increase in assessed value and has poor infrastructure.”

Forcing somebody out of a well-kept home because they live near what’s been designated a blighted area is part of the problem, Rauschenberger said.

“Blight has been so broadly defined,” Rauschenberger said, “that pristine lakefront in central Illinois has been determined to be blighted.”


Rockford Register Star: www.rrstar.com

Curbing eminent domain abuses: (Hampton Roads VA) Daily Press, 7/3/05

Opinion

By Patrick M. McSweeney

Every now and then, an issue emerges out of nowhere to dominate political conversation for months. The giveaway of the Panama Canal was such an issue in the 1970s.

The new hot issue is government's abuse of the power of eminent domain. A 5-4 decision of the U.S. Supreme Court on June 23 in Kelo v. New London prompted a spontaneous outpouring of disbelief, fear and anger across the country. That decision upheld a municipality's taking of private homes for a development simply because the municipality concluded that it would bring in higher tax revenues when the property was turned over to private businesses.

What so troubled average Americans is that any person's property can now be seized by government simply on the basis of the government's assertion that some vague public purpose will be served by taking the property from one private owner and then selling or leasing it to another private person. The asserted public purpose might be economic development or merely a better-balanced community.

The widespread negative reaction to the Supreme Court's decision in Kelo surprised most Virginia politicians. After all, a state statute already permits localities to condemn private property for any public purpose, which would include economic development and planning for a "more balanced" community. Despite several high profile battles in Virginia over the use and abuse of the eminent domain power, there had been no previous public outcry that would have warned politicians of what would come when the Kelo decision was announced.

In fact, two legislative proposals offered during the 2005 session of the General Assembly to prevent the very result the Kelo decision allows were given short shrift. Both would have narrowed the statutory definition of "public uses" to exclude those that are predominantly for a private purpose.

Now Virginia politicians are scrambling to get to the front of the long column of agitated citizens who are demanding legislative action to reverse the effect of the Kelo decision. These politicians, who had no interest in enacting a statutory fix to the problem just a few months ago, are suddenly outraged by the U.S. Supreme Court's decision.

As a result of the Kelo decision, the public is awakening to a greater threat to private ownership of property than government's use of the condemnation power to acquire land for parks or highways. The public is discovering the insidious collusion between powerful private developers and government officials to benefit both by the exercise of the government's power of eminent domain in circumstances that George Mason, Patrick Henry and other proponents of the Bill of Rights surely thought would be prohibited by the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution and similar provisions in state constitutions.

The private developers benefit by gaining the right to obtain property for their developments at a discount price when government officials use their condemnation power instead of bargaining with willing sellers. Government officials benefit in several ways, not the least of which is an enhancement of their power. They can seize the property of their political enemies and transfer it at a bargain price to their political friends and campaign contributors.

What the public response to the Kelo decision has demonstrated is that Americans have a deep, almost primal, desire to own property, which Kelo has put at risk. Politicians shouldn't expect public outrage to subside until they enact corrective legislation.


The Daily Press: www.dailypress.com

Patrick McSweeney, who practices law in Richmond, is former chairman of the Republican Party of Virginia: pmcsweeney@mcbump.com

Don't abuse the power of eminent domain: (New York NY) Newsday, 7/3/05

Opinion

By Ronald H Silverman

The U.S. Supreme Court's recent ruling in favor of local government's right to condemn private property for economic development should be of special concern in this state. Two years ago the Institute for Justice reported that "New York is perhaps the worst state for . . . eminent domain abuse."

Typically, economic development involves transfers of condemned land to private parties, usually businesses. In the New London, Conn., case decided on June 23, property owners claimed that their small city's taking of their land was not for the constitutionally required "public use," but for the use of private parties. The Pfizer drug company had already built a research facility nearby.

The court held that the condemnations were a legitimate part of the city's economic redevelopment plan, and that while the condemned land was not to be open to the public, that didn't matter. The court deferred to the city's judgment that it might be revitalized through job and tax growth produced by having private enterprise on the property.

If the taking of property now requires only a "public purpose" as opposed to the more limited idea of "public use," then the door to eminent domain has opened much wider. And if courts simply trust officials' claims that the public will eventually benefit, then local government could become all too casual or careless in planning condemnations.

Already on Capitol Hill, there is action to check this growing power. On Thursday the House passed a bill denying federal funds to economic development programs that use eminent domain to make way for a profit-making project like a hotel or mall.

Locally, in a case pending in New Cassel, the Town of North Hempstead is trying to condemn a three-bedroom house and land used for the World Bible church to make way for what is described in news reports as a "community center." This would seem to be a legitimate public use. But if the center were privately built, privately owned and operated by the town, there might still be a question about private profit benefits.

In Brooklyn, a private developer intends to build a new arena for the Nets basketball team that will require evictions. This project will bring profits to the team owners. Brooklyn and New York City will benefit from more jobs and taxes.

Government needs to tread carefully. Taking of property by eminent domain can hurt property owners, who lose money on investments and must relocate and sever neighborhood ties. This can be particuarly severe for the elderly and others who have lived in a neighborhood a long time. Persons of color with low or modest incomes and less political clout may be especially vulnerable, while local legislatures may be prone to manipulation by monied private interests.

How do we minimize abuse by local government?

Some states, like Michigan, now forbid takings for economic development where private parties are likely to benefit directly. This is probably too extreme a solution, since some of these takings do add jobs, tax revenues and community amenities.

More judicial scrutiny may help in cases where owners resist a taking. Intermediate kinds of judicial monitoring, especially where there is persuasive evidence of planning mistakes or carelessness, may be a good deterrent. Where a community is not truly distressed or not suffering a long economic decline, a court may discourage takings with obvious private benefits for profit-making businesses. With communities in decline, courts could defer to local solutions to local problems, especially where reasonable planning is used and state monitoring occurs.

There may also be ways to increase the size of the just compensation awards that are required by the "takings clauses" of the U.S. and state constitutions. This is a fair way to spread condemnation costs to a larger tax-paying public, even though not all these costs are compensated for.

Where an affected owner is elderly, or has lived in her property for some time, or has fragile health or conducts a profitable business, these factors, and other reasonably objective ones, may justify larger payments.

If condemnation becomes more expensive, it's likely to be used less often. If that happens, what might take its place in communities worried about present and future job and tax losses, and eventual declines? We may be forced to recall an American tradition. Private enterprise, through private deals and financing, has found imaginative ways to build shopping malls, sports stadiums and even entertainment complexes.

This American way can lead to improved communities, even without the overuse of eminent domain by sometimes despotic and short-sighted governments.


Newsday: www.newsday.com

Ronald H. Silverman is professor of real estate law at Hofstra University School of Law

Eminent domain justified: Branson (MO) Daily News, 7/1/05

By Cliff Sain

Branson's city administrator said he does not feel vindicated by a Supreme Court decision last week that cities can use eminent domain to take property for a private business.

The case has relevance in Branson after the city this year paid $12.8 million for property downtown in order to build a city-owned convention center and a privately owned hotel.

The two are expected to open in April 2007. Two of the property owners would not sell, and the city eventually used its power of eminent domain to take the property owners to court and force them to sell.

"I don't think there's anything to feel vindicated about," Dody said. "We were following legal process. Had the Supreme Court ruled differently, we'd have to abide."

The Supreme Court was sharply divided in its 5-4 decision announced on June 23. In a scathing dissent, Justice Sandra Day O'Connor said the decision bowed to the rich and powerful at the expense of middle-class Americans.

"The specter of condemnation hangs over all property," O'Connor wrote. "Nothing is to prevent the state from replacing any Motel 6 with a Ritz-Carlton, any home with a shopping mall, or any farm with a factory."

Still, legal experts said they didn't expect a rush to claim homes.

"The message of the case to cities is yes, you can use eminent domain, but you better be careful and conduct hearings," said Thomas Merrill, a Columbia law professor specializing in property rights.

Dody agreed, saying the city had no plans to purchase more private property.

"Why would the city do anything differently?" he said.

The closely watched Supreme Court case involved New London, Conn., homeowners.

Justice John Paul Stevens, writing for the majority, said New London could pursue private development under the Fifth Amendment, which allows governments to take private property if the land is for public use, since the project the city has in mind promises to bring more jobs and revenue.

"Promoting economic development is a traditional and long accepted function of government," Stevens wrote, adding that local officials are better positioned than federal judges to decide what's best for a community.

Under the ruling, residents still will be entitled to 'just compensation' for their homes as provided under the Fifth Amendment. The decision also specifically said states had the right to implement restrictions of their own.


Branson Daily News: www.bransondailynews.com

Eminent Domain A New Tool for Business to Use? San Diego (CA) Business Journal, 7/4/05

By Pat Broderick

San Diego businessman Ed Plant is still bitter over losing his land and business to Petco Park.

Predictably, Plant was not heartened when the U.S. Supreme Court recently gave local governments even more authority to seize private property.

“It’s what’s been happening in San Diego already with the (Centre City Development Corp.) the past few years,” said Plant, who owned a cold storage facility in the ballpark’s footprint. “They were just ahead of their time, I guess.”

On June 23, the high court, in a 5-4 split decision, ruled that local governments have the right to take land and, in turn, give it to private developers to spur economic development and tax revenues for the community. The case in question, Kelo v. the city of New London, Conn., involved a group of local homeowners who resisted the taking of their property for commercial development to revitalize the economically depressed East Coast city.

California’s eminent domain law is stricter, requiring that seized property must be designated as blighted. Still, the ruling has stirred mixed reactions among a variety of camps.

Encinitas City Councilman Jerome Stocks on June 29 — alarmed by the ruling — proposed an ordinance that would grant more power to property owners.

Under his plan, Encinitas could not transfer private property to another private owner without first calling for a public vote in a regularly scheduled election, which would need a two-thirds majority to pass. The measure is scheduled to go to the City Council on July 13.

Steven S. Wall, a partner in Luce Forward’s San Diego office and an expert in condemnation and real estate litigation, is especially concerned about the definition of blight.

“In California and San Diego, you will see redevelopment agencies feeling comfortable flexing the power they have under California law to do redevelopment projects, saying, ‘We are able to broadly interpret the word blight, to include inadequate parking, not enough big parcels that can be used for shopping centers or big-box projects,’ ” he said. “ ‘We’re going to redevelop the area, and buy or condemn, and it doesn’t matter whether businesses or homes there are clean or well-kept.’ That is what the decision really means.”

Plant agreed.

“Who is going to be safe?” he said of the ruling. “Basically, all they have to do is say ‘blighted.’ What is the definition of blight? If someone has a home or business, the city can say ‘blighted,’ because it’s not making enough tax revenues. But everything can’t be about revenues going to the government agency. What happened to individual rights?”

Doug Barnhart, the chief executive officer and chairman of the board of the San Diego-based Barnhart Inc., whose firm is among the largest educational facilities builders in the nation, says the ruling will be good for business.

“Yes, I do,” said Barnhart, whose firm recently completed UC Riverside’s digital library. “I’m a Republican and sensitive to property rights. But the problems we have in public facilities in California in general, and San Diego in particular, is ‘not in my neighborhood.’ I think this will work against that. We will be able to put in facilities for the greater public good and locate them where they should be located. Property owners will get fair market value, or they can go to court.

“In any of these things, there is a lot of heartburn,” Barnhart said. “Even with Petco Park, you had some of the companies who relocated not really happy. They’d been there for years and years and years. But now, you’d be hard-pressed to say it wasn’t a benefit.”

Plant doesn’t disagree with that sentiment — up to a point.

“They did a good job Downtown,” said Plant, who continues to run another business, Harborside Refrigerated Services at the 10th Avenue Marine Terminal. “It’s done more for more people in the long run, but I think the city and CCDC isn’t looking for the individual, but the end of the rainbow. I think in the way I was treated, eminent domain has a tendency to be a bully.”

Plant, who contested the seizure of his property in court, ended up with $11 million, although he estimated that his property and business was worth $20 million. Then he was charged $1.6 million to clean up underground storage tanks that, “I didn’t put there” and eventually got about $800,000 of that back. But he was never relocated, said Plant. Instead, he reinvested the money into expanding his Harborside operation, which brings in from 60,000 to 100,000 tons of perishable goods a year. But, said Plant, it hasn’t made up for the demise of his Downtown business and the exodus of some of his customers to new competitors.

“You work most of your life building something, and it’s taken away,” he said. “I had controlled about 80 percent of the market, and now I probably have 30 percent of the market. It derived me a good living, and my property was appreciating Downtown. I planned on putting two high-rises down there. We had people interested.”

There were other ramifications of the seizure, Plant said.

“It messed up my credit rating,” he said. “When you go into eminent domain, the banks go crazy. We had a big moving expense. I am bitter because the CCDC tells half-truths. They tell you they’re going to help you, but in the meantime, they don’t. They just go their merry way. I’m not against the city. I just wish they would have a little more warm and fuzzy feeling for individuals.”

The CCDC is a city-run nonprofit corporation that coordinates redevelopment projects in the Downtown area. David Allsbrook, the manager of contracting and public works for the CCDC, has been involved in many of the city’s major developments, including the venerable Horton Plaza.

“There was a feeling that Ernie Hahn (Horton Plaza developer) wasn’t going to build the center when we were acquiring the property, that we didn’t know what we were doing and wouldn’t get it done,” Allsbrook recalled of the project that is credited with revitalizing the Gaslamp Quarter in the mid-1980s.

“The ballpark is the biggest example of where we had to use our power,” said Allsbrook of another project credited for transforming Downtown.

The Petco Park project resulted in 56 condemnation cases being filed, with all but six settled before trial and one during trial.

“Everybody thinks their property is worth more,” said Allsbrook. “People want to play it out, getting more money. That’s just the way it is.”

Some of the money paid during an eminent domain action is for “loss of good will,” he said.

“You go back and look at tax returns for the previous three years, and you come up with a number of what is the loss of business,” said Allsbrook. “Most businesses will make a claim for loss of good will, and ultimately they get compensated for it.”

While Allsbrook says Plant and all the others affected by the ballpark were treated fairly, he also sympathizes with those targeted through eminent domain.

“Eminent domain is probably the most misunderstood, and is kind of frightening to people,” he said. “We all have property rights, and when we give government that power, it’s a little scary. We’ve always used it as a last resort for projects that have public purposes. Ninety percent of the development has been done without using the power of eminent domain. We have to pay fair market value.”

As for the Supreme Court ruling, Allsbrook said he doesn’t think it will make much difference locally.

“The opinion will have little, if any, impact on how property is acquired in the state,” said Allsbrook. “In California, the law is very clear that in order to take property, it must be in a redevelopment project area.”

But, said Allsbrook, that’s not to say that there is no potential for abuse.

“I would never say that,” he said. “Years ago, National City declared its golf course blighted. They wanted to build a shopping center. That is a stretch, and it was overturned. But the likelihood of it being abused is very small. There are enough checks and balances. When we acquire property, it goes through a community advisory group before it gets to the redevelopment agency.”

No Threat
State Sen. Christine Kehoe, D-San Diego, chairs the Senate committee on local government, which includes redevelopment agencies. She said she doesn’t view the Supreme Court ruling as a particular threat to San Diegans’ property rights.

“California law requires a finding of blight in order to execute eminent domain at the local level,” she said. “You have to go through an open process of public hearings.”

While new development resulting in added taxes would be considered a public benefit, “There world have to be a finding of blight,” Kehoe said. “Simply saying that you would be making more money on a shopping center than a house is not enough. I think that it would have to include areas that are severely underdeveloped or stagnant.

“Where Petco was built, the general area was not experiencing the kind of growth many areas of San Diego were,” she said. “The ballpark became an impetus for spectacular developments — restaurants, hotels, residential. The ballpark is a classic example of how redevelopment should work.”

Kehoe said that, as a homeowner, she feels for the property owners in the New London case.

“I think states that don’t have protections that California has should consider that kind of legislation to protect against local abuses. I think that eminent domain is a tool that should never be abused, and every government body considering eminent domain should be careful to respect private property rights.”

Boon Or Bane?
Jerry Livingston, staff counsel for the Building Industry Association of San Diego, considers the ruling “more of a boon to cities than developers.”

“Rarely do you benefit from this kind of ruling,” he added.

While more doors might now be opened to private developers under the ruling, Livingston said the downside is that those who already have built projects — paying considerable sums for permits and infrastructure improvements — also stand to lose if they’re on the other side. The National Association of Home Builders filed a brief with the Supreme Court in the Kelo case, arguing that a ruling against the property owners could lead to abuses on the part of local governments.

As for local impact, Livingston said, “I don’t know if it will happen immediately in communities here. The right of eminent domain is a two-edged sword for most politicians these days. I think the city will pay close attention to creating redevelopment areas and what the political implications are with eminent domain.”

Pointing to the city’s dire financial straits, Livingston said there could be a temptation “to take advantage of economic development to increase money in city coffers.”

“We will watch what happens at the state level for any proposals to change the redevelopment law,” he said.

But, Kehoe said, for now at least, there is nothing in the pipeline to change the law.

Donna Jones, special counsel in the real estate, land use and environmental practice group for Sheppard Mullin’s San Diego office, has her hand in many of the major projects being developed in the county, including Black Mountain Ranch, a 4,700-acre mixed-use master planned development on the city/county boundary in North County.

“It’s rare that agencies try to condemn property and turn it over to private business,” she said. “I don’t think it will be used routinely. Politicians won’t want to do something where their constituents say, ‘You are in the hands of development,’ but only when it’s necessary and in the community’s best interest.”

The potential for abuse exists, said Jones, especially in San Diego today with so much mistrust of the City Council and government in general.

“Some will be concerned about abuses, that somebody makes a larger contribution, and they decide to do something in favor of that person,” Jones said. “But I trust City Council more than most people. I think they’re trying to do what’s best. They will be careful, knowing that the media will be looking.”

Mitch Mitchell, the vice president of public policy and communications for the San Diego Regional Chamber of Commerce, agrees that the ruling will spur more scrutiny against potential abuses.

“Everybody’s saying, ‘Property rights, property rights, property rights,’ ” he said. “We have a lack of land to build on and cities are always going to be looking at more tax opportunities. With all that, there will be scrutiny.

“It’s guaranteed, because of this ruling, that the watchdogs would be more vigilant. In the end, the government will be scrutinized and that public scrutiny is the best check-and-balance you can ask for.”

Attorney Wall added: “The bigger issue here is: What will we see in the way of social changes? Will it encourage redevelopment agencies to go beyond and take a more aggressive stand in the future in terms of a broad definition of public purpose and what is blight? There are challenges. It will come back to taking a hard look at officials elected to public office.”

But the public won’t be the only sector keeping an eye out, predicted Wall.

“The condemnation bar will be watching closely to see what happens,” he said.


San Diego Business Journal: www.sdbj.com

Court's eminent domain decision hailed as victory for cities: St Louis (MO) Post-Dispatch, 7/2/05

By Jim Merkel

A Supreme Court decision handed down last week could influence a number of local cases involving eminent domain.

In a 5-4 vote, the high court upheld the right of a private company in New London, Conn. to take private land for private uses.

In Kelo vs. New London, Conn., the Supreme Court ruled that the city could not take land simply to confer a private benefit on a particular private property. However, the decision said the taking would be executed based on a carefully considered development plan, which would have a public benefit.

The decision pleased [St Louis] Mayor Francis Slay.

"It's very difficult rebuilding an older city with the environmental issues and with the issues of assembling sites for redevelopment to help improve the quality of life for people in our neighborhoods," Slay said.

"The eminent domain has been a good tool for us to acquire property so that we can take older areas and redevelop them into something more positive for the entire city and for the entire region."

But Slay said it's important that officials use good judgment and compassion and only use the tool sparingly when other means of redevelopment aren't working.

One local development that would have been affected by a different decision is the planned Loughborough Commons shopping center at Interstate 55 and Loughbough Avenue. There, 19 homeowners agreed to sell to the developer but a 20th, June Thompson and her son Howard, refused,

Circuit Court Judge Timothy Wilson is now considering whether the Thompsons' home can be taken by eminent domain.

"The decision in the Kelo case takes away an argument that we had as to whether or not this was limited by the U.S. Constitution, said Michael Wolff, the Thompsons' attorney.

But Wolff also argued under a provision in the Missouri Constitution, which he said is more restrictive in allowing the taking of property for private use.

The Missouri Constitution allows the taking of property for blight, "the kind of blight that everybody thinks of," Wolff said. "Our argument is that the Thompsons' neighborhood is not blighted as originally understood back in 1945 (when the rule was originally established)," Wolff said.

"I think the decision from the U.S. Supreme Court is a terrible decision," Wolff said. "What the court is doing is writing out of the Fifth Amendment the term ‘public use.'"

The Fifth Amendment says private property can't be taken for public use without just compensation.

Especially at the local level, the local governments will be more influenced by wealthy members of the electorate, Wolff said.

A different view is held by Alderman Matt Villa, D-11th Ward, who pushed through legislation in the Board of Aldermen calling for Loughborough Commons and allowing eminent domain.

"If eminent domain did not exist, this development would not be going forward," Villa said. "If you did not have the eminent domain tool, one property owner could effectively kill development that is good for the entire region."

Eminent domain should be a tool that's only used in rare circumstances, Villa said. If more than 10 percent of property owners in a redevelopment area are made to sell through eminent domain, that tool shouldn't be used, he said.

If urban areas can't assemble land for development through eminent domain, developers will go to the edge of metropolitan areas, where a single farmer will sell them land, Villa said. This would increase urban sprawl, he said.

"Very little development would get done in the urban areas that are already built out," Villa said.

"Nothing would get developed," Villa said. "That doesn't serve the overall benefit of the city of St. Louis when you have one property owner that can basically say you're not going to do this development."

One landlord who has seen eminent domain used heavily against him is Jim Roos, who runs the landlord management company, Neighborhood Enterprises. Twenty-three apartment buildings managed by the company with 57 units of housing were taken for the Botanical Heights housing development in the McRee Town neighborhood.

Roos said he thinks he knows how the justices came to their decision.

"They've never substantially experienced how eminent domain can be abused. When you start approving eminent domain for private projects, that becomes a mindset for people in government," Roos said.

"People who are a little less popular, a little less affluent then become the ones who are abused by this," Roos said.

Homes of the affluent won't be taken, Roos said. "It's abusing the rights and the benefits of the poor people."


St Louis Post-Dispatch: www.stltoday.com

City forces out 2 downtown businesses: San Francisco (CA) Chronicle, 7/2/05

Action follows high court ruling on eminent domain

By Jim Herron Zamora

Last week's U.S. Supreme Court ruling approving a Connecticut city's plan to take private land by eminent domain may seem far away.

But to John Revelli, whose family has operated a tire shop near downtown Oakland for decades, the implications hit home on Friday.

A team of contractors hired by the city of Oakland packed the contents of his small auto shop in a moving van and evicted Revelli from the property his family has owned since 1949.

"I have the perfect location; my customers who work downtown can drop off their cars and walk back here," said Revelli, 65, pointing at the nearby high- rises. "The city is taking it all away from me to give someone else. It's not fair."

The city of Oakland, using eminent domain, seized Revelli Tire and the adjacent property, owner-operated Autohouse, on 20th Street between Telegraph and San Pablo avenues on Friday and evicted the longtime property owners, who have refused to sell to clear the way for a large housing development.

The U.S. Supreme Court's 5-4 decision last week paved the way for local governments to buy out unwilling property owners, demolish homes and businesses, and turn that land over to new owners for development. Last week's ruling expanded on earlier decisions that allowed agencies to take property only if it is considered "blighted" or run-down.

"The city thinks I cause 'economic blight' because I don't produce enough tax revenue," Revelli said. "We thought we'd win, but the Supreme Court took away my last chance."

The two properties, which total 6,500 square feet, were being forced to move or sell because their businesses are on a larger section of land that is slated for the Uptown Project, a city-subsidized real estate development that is expected to include nearly 1,200 apartments and condominiums.

The project's wedge-shaped lot, just west of the 19th Street BART Station, includes several blocks roughly bounded by 20th Street, 17th Street, Telegraph Avenue and San Pablo Avenue.

Both Revelli Tire and Autohouse, owned and operated by Tony Fung, are on the northern edge of the project in the 400 block of 20th Street, which is also called Thomas L. Berkley Way.

The eviction came as no surprise to Revelli and Fung. The city has designated their block as a redevelopment area for about 20 years. Before approving the Uptown Project last year, the city considered putting in a shopping mall, then an arena for the Golden State Warriors and later a ballpark for the Oakland Athletics.

The decision to build market-rate housing on the site, subsidized by $61 million in city redevelopment funds, is the keystone in Mayor Jerry Brown's plan to revitalize downtown Oakland by putting in homes for 10,000 new residents there.

"This is the part of redevelopment everyone hates," said Hamid Gami, who is coordinating the relocation for Oakland's Community and Economic Development Agency.

"It's tough. They're good people. We've offered them fair compensation, and we hope to come to an agreement. But this is a really important new development. The city has been trying to do this for years. It's good for all of Oakland. It's going to be a great project."

Gami said he hopes to work out a settlement with Revelli and Fung.

The business owners said they clung to hopes that the eminent domain decision might be overturned in court or that they could persuade the city to build the project and leave them alone.

"All those new residents will need someone to work on their cars," said Revelli, who has been working in the shop since he was in third grade helping his dad and uncle. "I don't want their money. I don't want to move. I just want to work right here."

Most of the other businesses closed their doors and left in the past two years. The only other holdout, Chef Edward's Barbeque, is expected to reopen about a block and a half away.

Fung and Revelli said the money offered by the city, about $100 per square foot plus relocation costs, was insufficient, saying the real estate boom has priced them out of nearby properties. They own their properties outright and have operated with low overhead.

"John works alone; I have one technician working with me — that's it," said Fung, who bought his 2,500-square-foot shop in 1993. "The cost of buying or leasing a new site is prohibitive. The money the city offered me does not cover it."

Revelli, who has worked alone for the past 35 years, said no other location is as good as what he is losing.

"My customers are mainly women who work in the offices downtown. They can take BART if they have to leave their cars overnight," Revelli said. "There's really no equivalent location around here."

Both men said Friday that losing their businesses was like losing a piece of themselves.

"I've worked here full time since 1959, and I looked forward to coming to work every day," Revelli said. "I'm not ready to retire, but the city forced me into this. I don't have many options."

Fung, who is in his late 40s and raising his children, said retirement is not an option.

"I'm an immigrant from China, and this has been the fulfillment of my American dream," Fung said. "I worked hard. I played by the rules. But now it's all gone. I've got to start all over."


San Francisco Chronicle: www.sfgate.com

7/01/2005

Never Mind the Kelo, Here's Scott Bullock: Reason Public Policy Institute

An interview with the attorney who argued the landmark eminent domain case, surveying the blight in the wake of the Supreme Court's decision
By Tim Cavanaugh

Reason: Are you surprised by the decision?

Scott Bullock: Well I was surprised. It was rather shocking that a majority of the Supreme Court would permit this type of abuse. We're in an America where, as Justice Sandra Day O'Connor points out, church property can be taken for a Costco, a farm can be turned into a factory, and a neighborhood can be leveled for a shopping mall. Most people cannot believe that this can happen in this country and the Supreme Court gave sanction to that with their decision.

Reason: What did you make of Justice Anthony Kennedy's vote against the plaintiffs?

SB: Yeah, it was surprising. I mean here's a guy who once wrote "individual freedom finds tangible expression in property rights." For him to be in a decision that fundamentally violates the right to own and enjoy your property, I think, is disgraceful.

Reason: Is there any recourse to the plaintiffs now?

SB: There is. There are going to be battles on two fronts. One, we're going to do everything in our power to keep these people in their homes. And we're going to explore all options to do so. But one thing that's coming out of this opinion that's very clear is that people are furious about this. And the anger comes from the left, right, libertarians, and everybody in between. People cannot believe that the court sanctioned something like this. So, I think that the growing grassroots rebellion against this is going to gain momentum. And I think that you'll see litigation about this in state courts, where the battle will largely be, at least for the time being. And you'll see a number of legislative changes though both legislatures and then also through the initiative process, as well. And we'll be there every step of the way to make sure that these abuses stop.

Reason: Given how many frivolous Constitutional amendments get proposed there days, why isn't there a serious movement for an amendment that would more narrowly define eminent domain powers?

SB: There's already discussion of doing so. And, as I said, this is a time to really think big about these issues because it's clear that a narrow majority of the Supreme Court has given the potential for businesses and local governments to work together to take people's land. And I think it was a real wake-up call to people that something has to be done about this. And hopefully we'll see some major changes.

Reason: How is this going to affect lower court decisions in other eminent domain cases, such as the Michigan Supreme Court's reversal of the Poletown decision last year?

SB: What's important to point out is that even the majority admitted that state courts are free to interpret their own provisions in a manner that's more protective of property rights. Thankfully, every state Constitution has prohibitions against private takings and a requirement that takings be for public use. And, only six states have held that economic development condemnations are Constitutional. Nine have held that they are not. And most states have not addressed it.

Reason: States that have ruled in favor include Connecticut, presumably?

SB: Connecticut, Kansas, Maryland, Minnesota, New York and North Dakota: Those are the states that have said that this is acceptable to their state constitutions. Nine states have said that it's not. And then, most states have not addressed it. So, state courts, when this issue comes before them, are free to give greater protections to property owners and hopefully stop this practice in their states.

Reason: Speaking of private economic development, the import of the decision has largely been seen as clearing the way for seizures for private economic development, but that's not really unprecedented. Even railroads were private endeavors. So are we seeing something new here or does this decision just affirm the status quo?

SB: It's very different from something like a railroad. A railroad typically follows a very narrow strip of land. Railroads and utilities are what are known in the law as something called common carriers. So even though they might be privately owned, they're really the equivalent of public bodies because everybody, the public, has an equal right to them. Everybody has a right to the utility line. And they're very tightly controlled by public officials, so they're really the equivalent of public bodies; that's why the court upheld them. Here, we're talking about ordinary private uses of land—taking somebody's home for a Costco, taking Church property to give to another private owner. That's why this opinion is so sweeping and it's so far removed from even what the courts did in the railroad cases, or even in the situations involving blight. Because even in those cases, the government had to show that there was some type of harmful condition to that land before it was justified for condemnation. Here, the court said, whatever land the developers happen to desire is up for grabs.

Reason: The irony is that we're in this period of resurgence for American cities. Most major cities are doing better now than they have in decades, and arguments about urban blight are hard to make. Given yesterday's lifting of the need to prove an area is blighted, how do you expect that to play out?

SB: I think it puts more and more properties up for grabs because here it will be dependent, not on whether or not the property is blighted, but whether it happens to be desired by private parties. So you're going to see people of less economic means, poorer folks, middle class folks who happen to live in the city and live in desirable neighborhoods that are going to be targeted by these types of takings. That's the real travesty of this, and that's one of the strongest points made by Justice O'Connor and Justice Thomas, that this is going to fall hardest on people of limited financial means. And it's going to be to the benefit of the wealthy and the government.

Reason: One of the disheartening aspects of this decision is that two of the four dissenters are not long for the court. Justice William Renquist is pretty ill and Justice O'Connor is said to be close to retiring. Do you have any predictions about how a change in the Supreme Court composition will affect property rights?

SB: Well, I don't know. These things are always hard to predict. Look at Justice Kennedy's track record on property rights. But this is also the case where you could have a member of the court who might be more from the left but come to a very different decision from what some of the more liberal members of this court decided. As I mentioned, there are a number of people who are concerned about civil liberties, concerned about decisions that affect the poor and minorities, who are outraged about this.

One point you hear from some people who are trying to defend this decision is that the government went through a planning process in this case, that this is part of a well-developed plan. The idea that having a plan and going through a planning process protects property owners in any way is completely disconnected from reality. I mean, every development in this country has a planning process. You can't just show up in an open field one day and say, "Well I'm here to build my office park." Everything in this country has to go through a process, has to be announced, has to have hearings; to think that this provides any protection for property owners who face the loss of their homes and small businesses is nonsense. And it shows how some members of this Court and some defenders of this policy don't understand how these things really pan out in the real world.

Reason: Can you give some examples of other eminent domain abuses among the 10,000 cases you guys have cited?

SB: I'll give you one primary example that's brewing in Long Branch, New Jersey right now, where a group of people want to hang on to their working-class beach homes. They've worked very hard to get their modest bungalows along the shore. These houses were purchased by working class folks in Newark and other places, and now many of the elderly residents live there full-time; these are their dream homes. And the City of Long Branch is just proposing taking these people's homes and transferring them to wealthier home-owners. They want to tear them down and build million-dollar condominiums for people right along the shore in northern New Jersey. And so it's a case of taking the property of poorer folks and giving it to wealthier folks, and using it for the same purpose. It's just a transfer of wealth between home owners. It's a classic example of eminent domain abuse and one that I think will be litigated in the very near future.

Reason: Is that going to be a new wrinkle, that the property is going to be used for the same purpose?

SB: Well, possibly. There are a number of ways to challenge these types of takings. And I'm sure there will be many issues that are brought up in that case and some of the other ongoing controversies.

Reason: Where are the real outrages happening? Is New London more typical, or is something like Washington, D.C.'s stadium grab a more characteristic situation?

SB: The problem is that there are so many examples of eminent domain abuse. It's hard to find one that captures it entirely. New London was a classic example of this, but there are several others as well. They typically fall under two categories: One is when the government takes land just simply to produce more tax revenue. That was the situation that was going on in New London. The other thing is what we call the abuse of blight laws. An example of that is a case we were involved in in Lakewood, Ohio, where the government used blight laws simply as a means to an end. They're not really concerned about conditions in the neighborhood; they simply want to have it declared blighted so they can get the property and transfer it to private developers. The criteria that the City of Lakewood used to get the neighborhood declared blighted included such things as that the homes were lacking central air conditioning, didn't have an attached two-car garage, or lacked full bathrooms. It was really a means to an end, and the abuse of blight laws is an ongoing controversy and also encompasses a lot of the examples we point to of eminent domain abuse.


Reason Public Policy Institute: www.rppi.org

Hail Seizers! Reason Public Policy Institute

The New York Times cheers on the land grabbers

By Jacob Sullum

The New York Times welcomed the Supreme Court's recent endorsement of virtually unfettered eminent domain powers as "a setback to the 'property rights' movement." The fact that the Times not only celebrated a defeat for property rights but felt a need to put the phrase in scare quotes speaks volumes about the left-liberal misconceptions that have been brought to the fore by the Court's decision in Kelo v. New London.

According to the Court, the Fifth Amendment, which allows the government to take property "for public use" provided it pays "just compensation," is a license to transfer any parcel of land from its current owner to someone the government thinks will make better use of it. "Under the banner of economic development," noted Justice Sandra Day O'Connor in her dissent, "all private property is now vulnerable to being taken and transferred to another private owner, so long as it might be upgraded—i.e., given to an owner who will use it in a way that the legislature deems more beneficial to the public."

In an editorial headlined "The Limits of Property Rights," the Times called this decision "a welcome vindication of cities' ability to act in the public interest." It said the redevelopment plan at issue in Kelo, which involves leveling the Fort Trumbull neighborhood of New London, Connecticut, to make way for a conference center, restaurants, and shops, "may hurt a few small property owners," but "many more residents are likely to benefit if the city can shore up its tax base and attract badly needed jobs."

The collectivist logic here is worthy of a Soviet central planner: The government decides what "the public interest" is and allocates resources accordingly, without regard to the private plans of the individuals who happen to own those resources. It's OK if people are hurt in the process, because on balance the welfare of the group will improve.

For the Times, acting in the public interest includes reassigning property rights based on the government's determination of which owners will generate the most tax revenue and jobs. In New London, the public interest happens to coincide with the interests of Pfizer, which inspired the city's redevelopment plan when it decided to open a new research facility adjacent to Fort Trumbull. In New York City, the public interest happens to coincide with the interests of The New York Times, which used eminent domain to forcibly obtain the land on which it is building its new headquarters.

Mindful of the appearance that big corporations such as Pfizer and the New York Times Co. use eminent domain for their own ends, the Times cautioned that "eminent domain must not be used for purely private gain." But as O'Connor noted, "nearly any lawful use of real private property can be said to generate some incidental benefit to the public." If the Fifth Amendment requires only that a taking provide some such benefit, she wrote, "the words 'for public use' do not realistically exclude any takings."

The Times, even while mentioning its own abuse of eminent domain, conceded that O'Connor raised "a serious concern." But it called her fears "exaggerated," since "the majority strongly suggested that eminent domain should be part of a comprehensive plan."

So contrary to the alarming reports you may have seen, the government cannot simply force you to sell your home or business, at a price of its choosing, for the convenience of a developer, a big-box retailer, or some other politically influential land grabber. It has to have a plan first. Maybe.

The nonchalance of the Times regarding eminent domain abuse is of a piece with its derogation of property rights, which it sees as inferior to so-called human rights. (Try to imagine the Times running a celebratory editorial on "The Limits of Human Rights.") Yet property rights are human rights: Your ownership of your house stems from your ownership of your body and the fruits of your labor.

In this light, all rights are property rights, without which it would be impossible to exercise, say, freedom of religion or freedom of the press. How free would The New York Times be if people could occupy its offices at will?

Then again, since the owners of the Times have implicitly identified the paper's new digs as a "public use," perhaps they wouldn't mind.


Reason Public Policy Institute: www.rppi.org

Jacob Sullum is a senior editor at Reason and the author of Saying Yes: In Defense of Drug Use

Homeowners Making Way for Government Bulldozers: Reason Public Policy Institute, 6/27/05

The Supreme Court decides property rights aren't rights after all

By Samuel R. Staley

You may think your home is your castle, but the Supreme Court decided it is just on loan from your friendly local government. The government can now bulldoze your home anytime it wants as long as the legally-required number of public hearings are held and politicians have some semblance of a plan for economic development on your land.

That's what any reasonable person reviewing the Supreme Court's recent decision in Kelo v. New London might think. Hundreds of local governments already take private property. The Supreme Court's ruling in the Kelo eminent domain case just gave them the rubber stamp they wanted.

Kelo involves a hardy band of home and business owners in the historic neighborhood of Fort Trumbull in New London, Connecticut. The city, acting through its redevelopment arm, condemned the homes and businesses to make way for new professional office buildings, swanky retail shops, luxury condos and apartments.

The city's "vision" for the neighborhood, local officials hope, will generate more tax revenue. The newer buildings, bigger tax base, and more revenue constituted a "public use" in their eyes - and the Supreme Court agreed.

Eminent domain is not a new government power. It's been around for centuries and is enshrined in the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. What's new is the brazenness in which governments use it. Eminent domain is supposed to help governments when they need to provide a public use. In the past, building roads, acquiring land for schools and public buildings, constructing bridges and canals, or providing parks qualified.

In the mid-1980s, that changed when the Michigan Supreme Court allowed the City of Detroit to demolish a close-knit, working class neighborhood called Poletown to make way for a factory. The city condemned the properties, bulldozed the homes, and handed the land over to General Motors to build its plant.

The Michigan Supreme Court reversed its decision in 2004, but the damage was done. The decision unleashed a wave of condemnations, like New London's, that shoved long-time residents and businesses aside in the name of economic development.

"Promoting economic development is a traditional and long accepted function of government," Justice John Paul Stevens wrote in the Court's majority opinion on Kelo.

The Court says public use can now basically be interpreted as any function of government. Indeed, this is exactly what Justice Sandra Day O'Connor fears. "Today nearly all real property is susceptible to condemnation on the court's theory," Justice Sandra Day O'Connor wrote in her strongly-worded opposition to the ruling. "The specter of condemnation hangs over all property. Nothing is to prevent the state from replacing any Motel 6 with a Ritz-Carlton, any home with a shopping mall, or any farm with a factory."

Sound extreme? Consider the words of New London's lead attorney during oral arguments in the case:

Justice O'Connor asked if the city could condemn a Motel 6 and hand the land over to a Ritz-Carlton if the city thought the move would generate more tax revenue.

Wesley Horton, New London's attorney, replied, "Yes, Your Honor. That would be okay."

"So you can always take from A and give to B if B pays more taxes?" asked Justice Antonin Scalia.

"If they are significantly more taxes," said Horton.

A shopping mall or business complex will almost always generate significantly more tax revenue than private homes, meaning we are all at risk.

Sad is it may be, many people ignored eminent domain in the past because it seemed to apply mainly to the poor—removing so-called "urban blight". The poor have always been at a disadvantage because they were renters or couldn't afford attorneys to fight city hall. Now, eminent domain is removing the middle class. Only the rich may be safe from the government bulldozers.

Private property rights were once a hedge against government corruption and abuse. This protection was so essential the Founding Fathers explicitly limited its use to special circumstances - public uses only - and required "just compensation" be provided to homeowners.

Now, there appears to be few "rights" left in private property rights. The U.S. Supreme Court just told every city, county, and state government that they can go after your home to increase revenues. The Court even put it in writing.


Reason Public Policy Institute: www.RPPI.org

Dr Samuel R. Staley (sam.staley@reason.org) is Director of Urban and Land Use Policy at Reason Foundation and co-editor of the book Smarter Growth: Market-Based Strategies for Land-Use Planning in the 21st Century (Greenwood Press). He is also the author of the report "Study: Eminent Domain, Private Property and Redevelopment" — available online at:
www.rppi.org/ps331polsum.pdf.

Legislators Move to Blunt Eminent Domain Ruling: The Washington (DC) Post, 6/30/05

By Mike Allen and Charles Babington

Key leaders of both parties in both chambers of Congress vowed today to use the power of the purse to negate this week's Supreme Court ruling allowing local and state governments to use eminent domain to take private property for economic development purposes.

Bills introduced in the House and Senate would yank federal funds from any city or state project that forced people to sell their property to make way for a project like a hotel or strip mall.

The 5-to-4 Supreme Court decision on Monday, the last day of the term, has sparked an immediate and visceral backlash among conservatives. The response on Capitol Hill was unusual for its speed and bipartisan support, and for the biting language the lawmakers used to criticize the high court.

House Majority Leader Tom DeLay (R-Tex.) said the planned intervention by Congress is part of a broad effort to "assert the responsibility and the authority of the Congress to be a check on the judiciary.

"Times have changed, particularly in the last two to three years," DeLay said during a rare appearance in the studio of the House Radio-TV Gallery. "This Congress is not going to just sit by — idly sit by — and let an unaccountable judiciary make these kinds of decisions without taking our responsibility and our duty given to us by the Constitution to be a check on the judiciary. And this is an example of doing that."

The ruling permits the "taking" of a home or neighborhood, with compensation, for such purposes as the construction of a shopping center. Activists said it has struck such a nerve that it will now be a key issue in convincing conservatives and libertarians to join the confirmation battle when one of the justices steps down.

House Judiciary Committee Chairman F. James Sensenbrenner Jr. (R-Wis.) said he will introduce a Private Property Rights Protection Act that will prohibit any state or municipality from using federal funds for any project in which economic development is used as a justification for exercising eminent domain.

"This decision, in my opinion, has the potential of becoming the Dred Scott decision of the 21st century," Sensenbrenner said. He was referring to the 1857 ruling that affirmed slaves as property without the rights of citizens, and was overturned when the 14th amendment was ratified in 1868.

A committee description said the locality or state would "lose any federal funds that would contribute in any way to the project the property would be taken for." The lead Democratic sponsor is Rep. John Conyers Jr. (Mich.), ranking minority member of the Judiciary Committee, and the committee said at least two other Democrats are co-sponsors.

Sen. John Cornyn (R-Tex.) is introducing a similar measure in the Senate, along with Sen. Bill Nelson (D-Fla.). Their measure — the Protection of Homes, Small Businesses and Private Property Act — relies on the authority of the legislature to regulate the use of federal funds, and declares the view of Congress that "the power of eminent domain should be exercised only 'for public use' " and not "to further private economic development."

Sensenbrenner said at the news conference that the federal government's money "will not be used to finance taking somebody's property from them to build a strip mall or a hotel or something simply because more tax revenue will come in as a result of an improvement." He said the decision, Kelo v. City of New London, "shows that the majority of the court had an utter disrespect for private property."

DeLay said as he left the news conference that he views the legislation as part of the review of congressional oversight of the judiciary that he requested after the death of Terri Schiavo, a Floridian who died March 31 after her feeding tube was removed despite congressional intervention to establish her rights in federal court.

"People are starting to understand what we've been talking about for the last two to three years," he said.

House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) said at an earlier news conference that "very central in that Constitution is the separation of powers."

"When you withhold funds from enforcing a decision of the Supreme Court, you are in fact nullifying a decision of the Supreme Court," Pelosi said. "This is in violation of the respect of separation of powers in our Constitution — church and state as well. Sometimes the Republicans have a problem with that, as well."

In opposing a Republican amendment about the issue today, Rep. David Obey (Wis.), ranking Democrat on the House Appropriations Committee, said on the floor today that the decision was "nutty" but that the solution is legislation or a constitutional amendment, not punitive measures.

"The idea that this House, every time we don't like a court decision, should decide that we're not going to allow federal money to be used to enforce that court decision is as nutty as the original court decision in the first place," Obey said. "So I would hope that we would recognize that the Founding Fathers created the system of separation of powers. They created three independent branches of government for a purpose."


The Washington Post: www.washingtonpost.com

6/30/2005

Institute for Justice launches Hands off my Home campaign, 6/29/05

Press Release
Campaign Seeks to Protect Homeowners & Small Businesses After U.S. Supreme Court Eminent Domain Ruling

The Institute for Justice and its grassroots group, the Castle Coalition, seeks to do what the U.S. Supreme Court refused to do last week when it issued its ruling in the Kelo case allowing eminent domain for private development: protect ordinary homeowners and small businesses from eminent domain abuse.

Through IJ’s Castle Coalition - a nationwide network of citizen activists determined to stop the abuse of eminent domain in their communities - the Institute for Justice today announced the “Hands Off My Home” campaign to give ordinary citizens the means to protect their homes from government-forced takings for private development. The Institute also made an initial commitment of $3 million to fund the national effort to combat eminent domain at the state and local level. IJ made the announcement less than one week after the U.S. Supreme Court issued its Kelo decision allowing governments to take property from the rightful owner only to hand it over to another private party for his or her private gain.

“The floodgates to eminent domain abuse are already opening in the wake of the Supreme Court’s dreadful Kelo decision,” said Scott Bullock, senior attorney for the Institute for Justice. “The Hands Off My Home campaign will empower ordinary Americans to fight back against eminent domain abuse and to stop this un-American alliance between tax-hungry politicians and land-hungry developers.”

“The American people are furious about this decision, but they can do something about it,” said Dana Berliner, an IJ senior attorney. “In this next year, the Castle Coalition will encourage and coordinate grassroots efforts to end eminent domain abuse in states and cities. At the same time, the Institute for Justice will ask state courts to enforce their state constitutional limits on the use of eminent domain for private development. And the next time we get to the Supreme Court, it will overturn the Kelo precedent.”

“One would be hard-pressed to think of a recent Supreme Court decision that has generated such widespread and virtually unanimous outrage,” said Chip Mellor, the president and co-founder of the Institute for Justice. “We will take this energy and put it toward productive activism.”

As part of their Hands Off My Home campaign, the Institute for Justice and the Castle Coalition’s immediate plans are to:
  • Pursue state-level litigation to enforce the “public use” limitations found in every state constitution.
  • Today issue a formal pledge for governors in each state to sign promising to oppose efforts in their states to use the government power of eminent domain for private development, and to support legislation and other efforts to ensure that citizens of their state are safe from eminent domain for private development. IJ and the Castle Coalition will soon extend this pledge to legislators and city officials nationwide.
  • Support citizen activists nationwide who are urging their state and local officials to set stricter standards for the use of eminent domain.
  • Establish a Castle Coalition presence in every state so ordinary citizens will be poised to mobilize the minute eminent domain is abused for private ends. Citizens can join the Castle Coalition at www.castlecoalition.org.
  • Host a conference in July in Washington, D.C., to train activists in fighting unjust takings.

Bullock said, “We’ll be working across the country, but we’re not giving up on New London, Conn. On July 5 at 6 p.m., there will be a rally at the New London Town Hall to ask the City Council to save these homes and allow Susette Kelo, the Dery family and the rest of the homeowners to stay in Fort Trumbull. The City and the New London Development Corporation don’t need these homes to accomplish their private development projects, and we will ask them to finally do the right thing and let these people stay in the homes they know and love.”

Steven Anderson, the coordinator of the Castle Coalition, said, “Many cities held off on eminent domain actions, waiting for the Supreme Court to decide Kelo. Now, with a thumbs-up from the Court, these cities can be expected to move aggressively. Some already have. But IJ will be there every step of the way to stop eminent domain abuse.”

Among many such examples of this trend, Anderson cited officials in Freeport, Texas, who immediately began legal filings to seize small businesses to make way for a private boat marina.

Among the small property owners who addressed the press conference was Scott Mahan from Ardmore, Penn., who may lose his small business to government-forced redevelopment. Mahan said, “Anyone who owns a piece of property anywhere in this country is at risk after the Kelo decision. Now people are finally seeing that this isn’t just homeowners in New London, Connecticut, or business owners in Ardmore, Pennsylvania; it can happen to anyone, anywhere.”

Denise Hoagland, a homeowner from Long Branch, N.J., who is fighting to save her ocean-front home from a private development project that would replace her home with upscale condominiums, spoke for many homeowners nationwide who are fighting this kind of abuse when she said, “My home is a part of me, a part of my family, and we are part of a community. Owning a home is the American Dream and to have it forcibly taken away to benefit someone else is against all of the principles of what being an American is about.”


Institute for Justice: www.ij.org
1717 Pennsylvania Ave NW, Suite 200, Washington DC 20006
202-955-1300, fax 202-955-1329

6/29/2005

Ruling empowers urban planners: The Hartford (CT) Courant, 6/27/05

Opinion

By David Barron, Harvard University Law School

To many, the headlines about Thursday's Supreme Court decision in Kelo vs. City of New London - "Court Authorizes Seizure of Homes" - must sound un-American. But in upholding a city's right to take private property as part of an economic redevelopment plan, the court affirmed principles as old as the Constitution.

There should be no doubt that the Constitution permits the government to take private property without consent in some instances. The very same provision of the Constitution that protects the right to private property - the Fifth Amendment - also provides that the government may "take" private property for "public use" so long as it pays "just compensation." That does not mean the government may act like a thief. Thieves do not have to get public approval to take property they don't own. And they don't have to pay compensation for what they take. Governments must do both to comply with the Constitution.

The founders made a wise choice in permitting government to take private property without consent. From laying railroad tracks to building highways, the government often needs to assemble large amounts of land to provide common benefits. Indeed, the property owners in Kelo no doubt benefited from past takings that permitted government to build roads and highways connecting New London, Conn., to state and national markets.

But does that mean the government can take property for any reason? What about the Constitution's requirement that takings must be for a "public use"? New London was not building a public highway or a governmental building. It was clearing land for offices and shops and new homes. How is taking land for private development a public use?

The answer lies in history. Since before the Civil War, courts have recognized that government sometimes must enlist private actors to make "public" use of land it seizes. States, for example, often let railroads condemn private land to create their routes. The government required railroads to act as common carriers in return, but it did not prohibit them from operating as private companies. Passengers still had to pay to ride. But courts treated the railroad's private use of the seized land as "public" because of the obvious benefits of increased rail travel.

It's not surprising that courts look favorably upon such public-private partnerships. The government has no monopoly on knowledge when it comes to market matters. But if public/private partnerships were permissible in the early years of industrial America, they should be no more objectionable today.

New London was attempting to retrofit itself for a rapidly globalizing economy. It was reclaiming its waterfront for a new urban era and capitalizing on new business development. Such efforts would benefit private developers. But they also would benefit the city and the state. Or so thought the city council - backed up by the state's authorizing legislation, and state dollars supporting its redevelopment plan. The court concluded it would follow the wise counsel of previous courts, and defer to the economic policy choices of the people's representatives.

But if the court showed that admirable deference, it also rightly backed away from statements in some earlier opinions that sounded almost like abdication. Kelo now makes it clear that the government must engage in a sincere effort to benefit the public. The court issued a warning to cities contemplating "a one-to-one transfer of property, exercised outside the confines of an integrated development plan" and aimed solely at boosting the property tax base. Such action, the court suggested, "would certainly raise a suspicion that a private purpose was afoot."

And the court also opened the door to a reconsideration of what constitutes "just compensation," noting the special hardships faced by the property owners on the wrong end of the court's holding.

Important as those caveats are, though, Kelo's real significance lies in its broad view of local planning power. As the era of urban renewal reveals, things can go awry when cities join with private developers to remake "distressed" neighborhoods. But those risks may at least be addressed through politics.

The Supreme Court empowered cities to confront the next phase of urban development with imagination and energy. One hopes they will prove worthy of that confidence.


The Hartford Courant: www.courant.com
David Barron: dbarron@law. harvard.edu

Don't abuse eminent domain: Newark (NJ) Star-Legder, 6/27/05

Editorial

The adage that no man's property is safe when the Legislature is in session should be amended to include the U.S. Supreme Court, given last week's ruling that state and local governments may use eminent domain to take private property and convey it to a private developer to spur economic development.

The case originated from Connecticut but in New Jersey, where a handful of extremely powerful, well-connected developers seem to be able to get whatever they want, the decision is particularly disconcerting. The news, however, is not as bad as it appears.

The ruling will not carry much weight in this state, where homeowners are protected by legislation and the state constitution.

New Jersey law limits the use of eminent domain to blighted areas. That doesn't mean your property is completely protected. Apparently, one man's happy homestead is another man's blight.

The definition of blighted, which includes any property that is substandard, unsanitary, dilapidated, long-vacant, obsolete, not fully productive or damaged by fire, is so vague it invites abuse. Take Long Branch for example. There, 36 long-time, middle-class homeowners are being driven out to make way for a luxury condominium development. The homeowners there don't think their properties are blighted.

In Lodi, residents of a trailer park are facing the prospect of being displaced to build a gated senior citizen community with 250 housing units and retail shops. By getting rid of the trailer park, municipal property taxes on the parcel of land will jump from $250,000 to $3 million a year. And, it doesn't hurt that the builders are generous political contributors to both parties and include the brother of state Sen. Paul Sarlo (D-Bergen).

But New Jersey property owners must remain vigilant. As Justice Clarence Thomas so aptly pointed out, in his dissenting opinion, people who live in poor communities with the least political clout are the most vulnerable.

Eminent domain can be a great boon. It can clear the way for phenomenal, much needed redevelopment, but it also can be abused. Whether it is will depend on local officials, who were granted broad powers by the courts, and ultimately by voters


Newark Star-Ledger: www.starledger.com

Outrage over Supreme Court Decision on Eminent Domain: The Voice of San Diego (CA), 6/28/05

By Abbe Wolfsheimer Stutz, Guest Columnist

Never have I been as outraged — and depressed — with government as I am with the recent U.S. Supreme Court decision condoning the taking of private property for private use.

During my 11-year term as a professor of real property law, my law students and I frequently discussed the cases that proceeded to erode the mandate of the Fifth Amendment — that government shall take no private property for public use without just compensation. I'd like to share, in non-legalese, some of these thoughts, the history that led up to the court's ruling and what we can expect if we sit complacently on our civil rights.

The undermining of the Fifth Amendment began when the courts reinterpreted the word "public" to mean "governmental" and the word "use" to mean not just a measurable land use but an amorphous "purpose." Condemnation was thus permitted for a governmental building, not just a public park or road. From these decisions, our legislatures, with the approval of our courts, then proceeded to destroy the mandate of our 10th Amendment — that government shall only legislate to benefit the public health, safety and welfare. It was a simple matter. All they had to do was interpret the phrase "public welfare" to mean the "public economy" and thus the "governmental tax base." The rationale was that these constitutional erosions were authorized by the public under the theory that we have, at all times, government of, by and for the people.

But this was not the most serious and insidious erosion of our Constitution. Until the U.S. Supreme Court ruling of June 23, the worst erosion was the shameless violation of our 14th Amendment which prohibits legislation that results in discrimination based on wealth or poverty. How often have we observed the condemnation of whole areas in our city due to "economic blight"? How often have we heard the local legislative pronouncement of "urban blight," a judgment call made without fixed and equitable standards, which discriminates against area residents and small business owners because of their collectively small bank accounts.

Unfortunately, I don't believe that we've yet seen the worst. Taking private property for private use — your business or my home — won't hold a candle to the day when we see private personal property as well as real property — your automobile and my cat — taken because they constitute blights to our neighborhoods. And just wait until government sees no need to compensate us for either the personal or real property they take. Indeed, it already does this by reinterpreting the word "taking" to mean mere "regulation," for which no compensation need be paid. Prime examples of regulation are downzoning or removing trees that allegedly obstruct the views of drivers.

For the time being, it seems that government would prefer that we keep our mouths shut, that we relinquish our First Amendment rights to freedom of speech, press, religion, and certainly, our right to petition government. If we speak out, our legislators might retaliate and take whatever they will from us, even without unjust compensation.

We are the public, the people, the government, and we must preserve our property rights in every way we can. We cannot permit our state to adopt these new federal standards. We cannot allow our county and city to deprive us of our right to life, liberty and property by following suit. We cannot afford to look elsewhere when we see the camel's nose poking through our neighbor's tent, lest our own campground be overrun and ruled by camels.


The Voice of San Diego: www.voiceofsandiego.org

Abbe Wolfsheimer Stutz is a former San Diego city councilmember and law professor

Assembly members move to limit eminent domain: KTUU-TV2 (Anchorage AK), 6/27/05

by Jason Moore

Imagine the city or state taking your private property because it felt someone else could use your land more profitably. The U.S. Supreme Court last week ruled that government has that authority through eminent domain.

But local politicians sent a message Monday that that is not OK.

“To the Supreme Court of the United States, the Anchorage Assembly should say, ‘Thanks, but no thanks,’” said Assemblyman Allan Tesche.

He and fellow Assembly member Janice Shamberg (left) say they will introduce an ordinance at Tuesday’s meeting to limit the city’s power of eminent domain.

“It's just not worth that price,” said Shamberg. “You don't pay that price, taking away a private person's property and giving it or selling it to another person or another entity because they can do better with it.”

The U.S. Supreme Court decision came on a case from Connecticut, in which the court ruled 5-4 that the city of New London can take private property for the simple reason of economic development.

Anchorage Assembly members are not the only politicians speaking out against the ruling.

“It’s a case of judicial theft,” said Anchorage Rep. Bob Lynn. He and fellow Republican Rep. Lesil McGuire are drafting a bill to limit the state’s power of eminent domain.

“We want to have a bill that’s going to protect Mr. and Mrs. Alaska,” Lynn said. “We don't want to have somebody coming in and trying to put a big box store in somebody's bedroom so they can increase the tax revenue. That just doesn't make any sense at all.”

Eminent domain is most commonly used in public works projects. Recently, the state Department of Transportation used it for the C Street extension between Dimond and O’Malley roads.

Three property owners out of approximately 50 refused to sell their homes, so the state invoked eminent domain. Ultimately, the property owners agreed to sell.

If the new legislation passes, the power would still exist. But the politicians say that taking private property just to sell it to another developer will not be allowed.

“What we would like to do is provide a clear, strong and immediate reassurance to Anchorage citizens that this power will not be exercised here,” said Tesche.

Even without the ordinance, the likelihood of that happening in Anchorage is remote. But Tesche said it’s a way to ease public concerns that the government could use the court’s ruling to grab land.

Officials say the last case of eminent domain used by the city was in 1999 on the widening project along 15th Avenue. In that case, it acquired part of a parking lot belonging to the Black Angus Inn.

A public hearing on the proposed city ordinance will be held July 12.


KTUU-TV2: www.ktuu.com

The Supremes stumble with eminent domain: San Antonio (TX) Express-News, 6/28/05

Editorial

In another 5-4 decision, a majority of the U.S. Supreme Court seems to have given priority to an expansive, new definition of the Fifth Amendment's public use clause over private property rights.

The traditional understanding of public use involved building the streets, sidewalks and public utilities that are part of the civil infrastructure. In 1954, the high court expanded that understanding to include government takings for economic and aesthetic purposes.

In its ruling last week in Kelo v. City of New London, the court established a new and dangerous precedent. It allows the government to exercise eminent domain and transfer title to private entities, all in the name of economic development and generating a larger tax base.

In theory, this places nearly every private property owner at risk. Since businesses generate more economic activity and taxes than residences, municipalities could take homeowner property in order for commercial interests to move into residential neighborhoods, as is the case in New London, Conn.

But it doesn't stop there. Large businesses generate more jobs and tax receipts than small businesses. And the higher up the economic ladder you go, the more access and influence business interests have on the political process.

Americans should not have to fear being dispossessed by individuals and business interests wealthier and better connected than they are.


San Antonio Express-News: www.mysanantonio.com

From Across The Fruited Plain: What Can the Little Guy Do?: Transcript, Rush Limbaugh Radio Show, 7/27/05

Transcript

By Timothy Sandefur, Pacific Legal Foundation

TIM SANDEFUR: I'm an attorney at a conservative legal organization called the Pacific Legal Foundation. I filed a couple briefs in the big eminent domain case, and I was very impressed this morning how you got this case exactly right. This is not about states' rights. This is about massive corporate welfare programs to take property away from poor people and give them to Costco and IKEA and Home Depot and other big powerful corporations, and it was blessed by the liberals on the court. And this is what happens any time private property rights are denigrated. Back in the 1930s, the court said they didn't really care much about property rights because they wanted the government to take property away from rich people — and it was only a matter of time before rich people like these companies figured out how to use that power for their own benefit, and that’s okay for the liberals.

RUSH LIMBAUGH: I can't add to it other than thank you for your comments. The thing that surprises me about this, though, is how some people actually think this is a victory for states' rights and for local government rights, because they're not fully aware of just what happened here. But let me ask you, since you're out in the west: What's the complication here for other private property rights when it comes to environmentalism, such as — we all know the big cases, the kangaroo rat down in Bakersfield, and the guy losing his farm as wetlands. All these Supreme Court cases have echoes. What's the echo going to be for people out west on something like that?

TIM SANDEFUR: Well, down in San Jose here they're condemning property to leave it as open space. They take away property and leave it to the animals. Of course not only does that mean that you can't build on your property, but that means that the tax base for the remaining people in the city, their tax burden goes way up because now there's more untaxable property, and this is happening all over the country. In five years between 1998 and 2003 there were 10,000 reported cases across the nation of eminent domain being used to benefit private parties or threatened to be used for the benefit of purely private parties for their own private profit. The Constitution says you can only take property for public use and now the Supreme Court said that anything that benefits the public is a public use.

RUSH LIMBAUGH: Yeah, but the way the states are getting around it is very crafty. Well, they're not getting around it. What they're saying and the way they're spinning is that you can take anybody that is a major property developer. They're going to be paying more property tax than these little small fry homeowners such as in New London Connecticut, and that's used to justify it.

TIM SANDEFUR: Of course. Well, the problem with that is that anybody's house can be more productive if it were turned into a Costco, and the Constitution says "public use." It does not say "public benefit," because the everything can be somehow described as a public benefit. If you take somebody's home and turn it into a public park or if you take somebody's home and turn it into a Costco or if you take somebody's home and just give it to, say, a group of homeless people.

RUSH LIMBAUGH: Yeah.

TIM SANDEFUR: I suppose that benefits the public, but that's not private property rights because it's not public use, which is what the Constitution specifically says.

RUSH LIMBAUGH: Precisely. It's just the government choosing Citizen A over Citizen B.

TIM SANDEFUR: They're going to choose the most politically influential group instead of poor people or people like Susette Kelo, a nurse who is working three jobs to cover her housing payment there in New London, Connecticut. She's now being thrown out of her house to give to a convention center because that will improve the tax basis and allow the politicians to spend more tax money.

RUSH LIMBAUGH: But the thing people have to understand about this is, in my view anyway, is that we hear all this talk about Democrats and liberals being for the little guy, and this court, the liberals on this court found for government — and whenever it's government versus the guy, little guy or big guy, they're going to find for government either way around. They did in this case. It looks like they're finding for Citizen B but actually what's going on, they're finding for themselves because they're going to get more tax revenue out of this.

TIM SANDEFUR: They're finding against private property rights because if this court says the government had no right to take property from one person and give it to another, why, 90% of the government would be fired tomorrow because that's what government does all the time. In every facet of its operations, it takes property from some people and gives it to others and that's not what the Founding Fathers intended. They required that government abide by strict limitations, and those have eroded over the past 70 years and so it's no wonder that wealthy corporations figured out how to exploit government's power to take people's property for their own benefit. If I had the power to lobby govemment I might do the same thing, and take the White House and make that my private residence, and claim it's for the public benefit.

RUSH LIMBAUGH: Hang with me, Tim, because I have one more question for you, but first I must say, "I hope you liberals listening to this program," and I know you're there and you know who you are. I hope you're noting two conservatives railing against big corporate interests.

TIM SANDEFUR: That's exactly right.

RUSH LIMBAUGH: You just normally don't hear that. You really don't associate the two. Normally it's the left you hear wailing and moaning against big corporate interests.

TIM SANDEFUR: But Rush, the reason for that is that conservatives recognize that private property rights should be respected for everybody. The poor man should have his house respected and the rich man should have his house respected, and the only way you can have a safe and free society is if you have a government that respects everybody's property rights equally and leaves them alone.

RUSH LIMBAUGH: There's an added element to it and that is the importance — maybe even of more importance than the right to free speech — of the right to own property in a free country. Without the right to own property even with the right of free speech you don't have a free country not when the government can come in and take whatever they want whenever they want it, not pay you anything for it or very little for it and give it to somebody else or use it themselves.

TIM SANDEFUR: You can't even have freedom of speech if you don't have private property rights, because the government can retaliate against you for expressing your opinion by taking away your property. Private property dghts are the most important of all rights because they are the ones that protect every other right.

RUSH LIMBAUGH: Which is why it was specified in the Fifth Amendment of the Constitution. Now, my other question. There was a ruling last week, the first of these private property rights rulings, involving a hotel in San Francisco.

TIM SANDEFUR: That's right, San Remo Hotel. Our foundation was also involved in that case. That case says that now you have to go to state court first with any kind of taking claim — and of course you're going to lose because the state courts are made up of politicians who are appointed by a governor who is in favor of taking away your property to begin with. Then, once you lose in state court you've out of luck. You can't go to federal court because the federal court will say, "You already heard your case in state court." That's not what the system was meant to do. You're supposed to have a federal avenue whenever your property rights are deprived.

RUSH LIMBAUGH: True, but I need more information on the specifics of this case.

TIM SANDEFUR: Rush, it's a terrible case.

RUSH LIMBAUGH: Here's what I know. I know that you had a hotel, and most of its rooms were not rented to vacationers and tourists but for long term residents. And the hotel decided they wanted to change the way it was doing business. They wanted to convert most of these rooms to traditional hotel use.

TIM SANDEFUR: And the city sid no. I you want to do this, you have to pay this extortionate fine to the city that we'll use for public welfare programs or something like that.

RUSH LIMBAUGH: And they said you can't do it because we have to have so much guaranteed low income housing in the city, right?

TIM SANDEFUR: That's right, exactly. They shifted the cost of the homeless problem onto this private hotel owner rather than taxing everybody equally to pay for the program. This was a blatant violation of private property rights, and the California Supreme Court, except for the great Justice Brown who now is on the DC Circuit, upheld that and said that's perfectly all right.

RUSH LIMBAUGH: She called it thievery.

TIM SANDEFUR: Out-and-out plan of extortion, exactly.

RUSH LIMBAUGH: So essentially the San Remo Hotel in San Francisco was told, "No, you cannot use your property as you choose. You've gotta use it as the city mandates or you're going to pay through the nose."

TIM SANDEFUR: And as Justice Brown pointed out what that means is that private property is really just a scheme that the government used to raise money for its welfare programs. It used to be that private property was yours and the government existed to protect it. But now private property is just like a farmer who leaves a chicken in its coop and leaves it a few eggs so that it will lay a few more eggs for his own benefit. That's what private property is like in America today, because the government sees it as just a clever mechanism of creating wealth that it can then go and redistribute.

RUSH LIMBAUGH: Now, would you say that like a lot of people live in areas where there are tremendous town and city regulations, not just zoning, but where you can build your house, how high it can be, what color it can be, would you say that that is an example of encroaching loss of private property dghts?

TIM SANDEFUR: Oh, yes, many of these regulations deprive people of the value of their property. Sure, they don't take the full value; they don't take the actual title document but the government passes laws that deprive people of almost the entire value of their property. You know, Pacific Legal Foundation did a case called Palazzolo some years ago where Mr. Palazzolo bought some land in Rhode Island and he was gonna build some luxury condominiums on it and retire off that money and the state came along and passed a law saying, "You can build one house on that property, and that's it," and the Supreme Court said, "Well, that's not a taking of this person's property." They took 99% of the value of his property but because they didn't actually take the title deed document. That's just a sham. It's just a shell game designed to protect government welfare programs at the expense of private property dghts.

RUSH LIMBAUGH: What can little people do?

TIM SANDEFUR: What needs to be done is state constitutional reform. We need amendments in all of the state constitutions that prohibit the taking of private property for private use. Arizona and Washington already have these provisions. Other states need to get them. We need one here in California, very badly, that says: "Private property shall not be taken for private use."

RUSH LIMBAUGH: This is what frustrates people, though, Tim. The Constitution already says that. The US Constitution already says it but because we've got some people in robes that aren't going to read it that way we gotta do it all over again, and some people just throw up their hands and say, "Well, it's never going to happen to me. I don't care." Most people will say, "That's not going to happen to me. I'm not going to get involved. I've got other things to do."


Timothy Sandefur: tms@pacificlegal.org